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Democrats Are Finding Success with Their “Basement Strategy”

In the absence of a recount, Katie Hobbs, the secretary of state for Arizona, will take over as the state’s next governor. And after winning the election against the outspoken Republican Kari Lake, the Democrat will probably privately praise her aides for their media plan for delivering her to the finish line.

Hobbs used the same approach that Joe Biden used as a candidate and is still using as president: nearly complete avoidance of the media, avoiding any interviewer who may pose a challenging question, and declining the chance to engage in a debate. Hobbs completed all three, received some constructive criticism, and yet narrowly prevailed.

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Hobbs recently responded to NBC’s “Meet the Press” when asked why she would not debate Kari Lake with, “It’s evident that Kari Lake is much more interested in creating a spectacle and getting the spotlight than actually having a substantive discussion about the issues.” The moderator barely objected to the response.

Imagine claiming to desire a serious talk about the issues with voters but simultaneously avoiding the debate platform that would allow for such a dialogue. and all the while keeping a straight face. Hobbs outperformed Lake, a Trump supporter, and election skeptic.

In a similar manner, Pennsylvania senator-elect John Fetterman (D) avoided almost all interviews outside of those where it was almost certain he would be praised rather than questioned. Ultimately, Dr. Mehmet Oz, the Republican challenger, and Fetterman, who regrettably suffered a severe stroke in May that still affects his speech and auditory processing abilities, agreed to a debate.

However, this decision was made just days before the election, after thousands of votes had been cast by mail beginning in mid-September. Democrats are also more inclined than Republicans to vote early, which is significant.

By all accounts, Fetterman performed abhorrently during the argument. But perhaps it didn’t matter. The less-is-more technique and duck-and-hide from the press worked because he employed it for the whole of his campaign, with the exception of brief rallies where he refused to answer questions from reporters. Add Oz, a weak Trump-backed candidate who was viewed as a wealthy scumbag with a credibility issue, and you have your final outcome.

When the final polls were in before Election Day, Fetterman appeared to be trailing, but ultimately won by nearly five points. Since then, he hasn’t given any national interviews. A similar thing occurred during the New York governor’s election.

The New York Times gave its support to Democratic incumbent Kathy Hochul without having her sit down for an editorial board interview. She also shied away from engaging in anything like difficult interviews with the regional and state-based media, focusing instead on social media and appearing on MSNBC for interviews like one titled: “Kathy Hochul on Lee Zeldin helping design ‘The Big Lie,'”

By a score of six, Hochul triumphed. Regarding his numerous attempts to book an exclusive interview with President Biden, journalist Jonathan Swan summed it up well in a tweet: “I make this statement as someone who has repeatedly attempted to meet one-on-one with Joe Biden. He won’t comply. Furthermore, there is no convening authority on earth that could compel Trump to participate in an interview that his advisors believe to be risky. Of course, this applies to many politicians.

And politicians now frequently act in this way. Like no other president we’ve seen on television, Biden is guarded and presented well. Prior to the infrequent press conferences he holds, the president states that he has been “given a list of reporters to call on,” and he frequently mentions that he’ll “get in trouble” with his administration if he stays any longer than is appropriate.

In 2022, Biden gave a few seated TV interviews. Between February and September, the president went 220 days without giving a speech, and even though it is an election year, his approval rating is stuck in the mid-40s.

In any case: On aisles 5, 8, and 14, less Biden meant fewer slip-ups, falsehoods, and clarification fixes. The goal of his handlers must have been to keep Biden under the radar (the antithesis of Trump’s strategy) in order to prevent the election from turning into a test of his ideas and record on inflation, crime, and the border. This year, Biden has conducted four separate press conferences. Trump, on the other hand, held 35 during his final year in office.

Result: Democrats held onto the Senate against all odds, preventing a red tsunami in Congress. The lower chamber was still won by Republicans, although by a slim margin. Would that have been the case if Biden had run for office in states with a tight elections, like Arizona and Nevada?

Would the outcome have been different if Trump hadn’t made any endorsements, particularly when it came to the Senate? According to media expert Steve Krakauer, there is another important factor that contributes to the plan, even though social media has made it possible for candidates to “communicate directly with people while circumventing the gatekeepers in the media.”

According to Krakauer, a former CNN producer, “if the corporate media were still recognized and trusted by the public, there would be demands by the people that politicians undergo journalistic scrutiny.” However, the public no longer perceives a reason to encourage a politician to participate in a difficult interview because trust and significance have declined so dramatically, particularly in recent years.

Democrats’ Christmas in November question is whether or not to indict someone.
He continued, “The politicians see that as an opportunity for them to avoid the press. And the media only have themselves to blame, not anyone else.

Even while seeking government, more politicians are avoiding difficult, difficult interviews. Expect that trend to continue, possibly indefinitely, if the nation remains as fragmented and divided as the media that covers it. Columnist for the media and politics Joe Concha.

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